A centrepiece of the Dutch festival of Sinterklaas, the blackface character Black Pete, has met with growing contestation in the past decade over its caricatural representation of people of African descent. Attacks on this national “happy object” elicited a host of majority responses that converged in professing non-racism. As the celebration is primarily thought of as a children's festival, schools across the Netherlands had to decide whether to maintain, alter or suppress the Black Pete character. This article considers the spatial politics of race that informed school decisions about the festival. We show geographical variation in the distribution between change and non-change. However, we find that both strategies were justified in the name of respect for “black feelings”, even as majority calls for mutual tolerance between proponents and opponents of Black Pete normatively portrayed multicultural society as conflict free and ultimately strove to disarm anti-racist critique by framing it as anti-democratic.
Zwarte Piet—een centraal figuur in het jaarlijkse Sinterklaasfeest—is vanwege zijn karikaturale representatie van afro-Nederlanders in het afgelopen decennium in toenemende mate onder druk komen te staan. Omdat de Sinterklaastraditie vooral gezien wordt als kinderfeest, zien veel basisscholen zich gedwongen een beslissing te nemen over de omstreden figuur. In dit artikel bespreken we hoe de ruimtelijke verbeelding van raciale spreiding een rol speelde in de strategieën van scholen om hiermee om te gaan tijdens de viering. Scholen maakten een verscheidenheid aan keuzes. Zowel scholen die niks veranderden aan het feest als scholen die dit wel deden, rechtvaardigden echter hun keuze met een beroep op “zwarte gevoelens”. Dit laatste ging gepaard met de roep om wederzijdse tolerantie tussen voor- en tegenstanders van Zwarte Piet. Hiermee riep een witte meerderheid het ideaalbeeld op van de conflictvrije multiculturele samenleving, met als gevolg dat antiracistische kritiek als antidemocratisch kon worden geframed.
A significant outcome of the global crisis for refugees has been the abandonment of forced migrants to live in makeshift camps inside the EU. This paper details how state authorities have prevented refugees from surviving with formal provision, leading directly to thousands having to live in hazardous spaces such as the informal camp in Calais, the site of this study. We then explore the violent consequences of this abandonment. By bringing together thus far poorly integrated literatures on bio/necropolitics (Michel Foucault; Achille Mbembe) and structural violence (Johan Galtung), we retheorize the connections between deliberate political indifference towards refugees and the physiological violence they suffer. In framing the management of refugees as a series of violent inactions, we demonstrate how the biopolitics of migrant control has given way to necropolitical brutality. Advancing geographies of violence and migration, the paper argues that political inaction, as well as action, can be used as a means of control.
Based on a qualitative methodology that includes in-depth interviews with 90 Mexican migrant smugglers and 45 Central American farmworkers, this article analyzes the three separate elements of trafficking in US agriculture, namely acts, means, and purposes. We conclude that some US employers participate in human trafficking by financing or helping to recruit and transport Mexican and Central American migrants to the US by means of “abuse of a position of vulnerability” for the purposes of involuntary servitude, debt bondage, and sex exploitation.
This paper critically questions the state's hostile takeover of planning regulation followed by experimentation initiated by the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who has been seeking to subordinate the planning apparatus to market calculus and to short-term political ends. To substantiate this argument, I have examined a large corpus of documents (official government documents, planning records, and court appeals and rulings, and NGO reports) and analyzed the media coverage between 2011 and 2016. By introducing fast-track planning that is firmly controlled by the central state and focusing on the fictitious delivery of housing units, the structure of the planning regulation has dramatically changed. Further, two already-dominant government ministries (Finance and Defense) have been significantly empowered, becoming the supervisors of the reformed planning system. In a state captivated by neoliberal fixation and embroiled in a housing crisis, the restructuring of planning governance has been a means to an end.
This article traces the declining fortunes of the mushaa’, a once-prominent Levantine culture of common land. Palestinians managed to resist attempts by the Ottoman Empire and the British Mandate to break up the mushaa’. Under Israeli colonization, the remaining commons are now subject to another type of appropriation: individual Palestinian contractors seize hold of mushaa’ land and build on it. This article introduces the concept of “enclosures from below”, whilst looking at the dynamics of seizure of the commons by Palestinian refugees, who once were peasants practising mushaa’ on their lands and are now landless, some having become expert contractors. I show that the contractors consider their actions to be a form of resistance against the settler colonial project, manifested in the advancing of the Wall and settlement expansion. This is described through a case study of the Shu'faat area in Jerusalem. Changing uses of mushaa’ land reflect wider tendencies in the Palestinian national project that has become increasingly individualized.ملخص
يتتبع هذا المقال الثروات المتناقصة للمشاع، الذي كان يوما ما ثقافة مشرقية سائدة للأراضي المشتركة، حيث استطاع الفلسطينيون مقاومة محاولات الإمبراطورية العثمانية والانتداب البريطاني، التي هدفت إلى تفكيك أراضي المشاع. حاليا، تحت الاستعمار الإسرائيلي، تتعرض أراضي المشاع المتبقية إلى نوع آخر من الاستيلاء: يقوم مقاولون فلسطينيون ويتفحص، ،“enclosures from below” بالاستيلاء على بعض أراضي المشاع والبناء عليها. يقدم هذا المقال مفهوم في الوقت ذاته، ديناميكيات الاستيلاء على بعض أراضي المشاع من قبل لاجئين فلسطينيين، كانوا يوما ما فلاحين في قراهم يستخدمون أراضي المشاع بشكل جماعي للزراعة، وأصبحوا الآن بدون أراضي، وصار البعض منهم مقاولا خبيرا. يبين المقال أيضا أن المقاولين يعتبرون الأنشطة التي يقومون بها هي شكلا من أشكال المقاومة الوطنية ضد مشروع الاستيطان الاستعماري، الذي يتجلى في جدار الفصل والتوسع الاستيطاني، وذلك من خلال دراسة حالة لمنطقة شعفاط في القدس، حيث تعكس الاستخدامات المتغيرة لأراضي المشاع نزعات واسعة في المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني، الذي أصبح فردانيا على نحو متزايد.
This paper considers the power of abstract formalization in capitalism, via an account of the politics and geography of an equation. The equation in question lies behind the Phillips curve, which describes the relation between price inflation and unemployment or output. I examine the evolution of the equation and its relation to macroeconomics' renewed emphasis, since the late 1960s, on long-run monetary neutrality. Considering the Phillips curve and its theoretical and technical armature as social practice, I discuss some of the political and distributional questions that arise from the mode of spatial and temporal abstraction particular to modern macroeconomic analysis and policy-making. The paper has three parts: a brief history of the Phillips curve, an examination of its modern equation-form, and an analysis of its part in the dialectical process of “real abstraction”, through which logical space and time prioritize and produce both the spatial “macro” and the temporal “long-run”.
The global number of refugees, asylum seekers, and those displaced within their countries are at record levels in the post-World War II era. Meanwhile, efforts by relatively wealthy and powerful nation-states to exclude unwanted migrants through enhanced territorial control have reached unprecedented heights, producing great harm–most notably premature death–for many. The factors driving out-migration from homelands made unviable, coupled with multiple forms of violence experienced by migrants, demonstrate the need for an expansion of rights–conceived of as both entitlements and sites of struggle. So, herein, I assert the need for “the right to the world”–specifically a right to mobility and a just share of the Earth's resources–to help realize the promise of a dignified life for all. In making the case for such, the article offers a critical analysis of the contemporary human rights regime and of the “right to the city”.
The epigenetic and microbiomic imaginaries that animate public health discourse on perinatal nutrition and the infant gut in South Africa offer a case study through which to reconsider the ontological presuppositions of “space” that frame epigenetic biopolitics. We suggest that the mutual constitution of the relations at stake in and around questions of nutrition, mothers and infants, the gut and sanitation in Khayelitsha, can be understood through a Deleuzian geomorphological image of “strata of the political”. Strata are conjunctural entanglements that temporarily stabilise when distinctions hold briefly, and that bring into alignment particular relations and forces that distribute life and non-life. This analytic makes visible and available to political life the spatio-temporal, socio-natural blurring of categories that epigenetic and microbiomic discourses could afford. Grounded ethnographic descriptions of these processes of “mattering” can challenge political epistemologies and take further critical perspectives on space to open up possibilities for a robust postgenomic politics.
Brazilian geographer Milton Santos is one of the most quoted, celebrated, and controversial social scientists of the so-called “global South”. His body of work employs a rich vocabulary including reinterpretations of concepts such as “totality”, as well as original concepts like “used territory”. These and other concepts have formed the basis of what could be called a “Miltonian” school of thought in geography. However, despite his national and regional importance to Brazil and the “global South” more generally, he has long been overlooked by the English-speaking community of geographers. The present article intends to bridge this gap by offering an introduction to Santos and to the English translation of one of his most important and hotly debated texts, “The Active Role of Geography: A Manifesto”.
EUrope has created a space of human suffering within which military-humanitarian measures seem urgently required if the mass drowning is to be halted. The framing of migration governance as humanitarian has become commonplace in spectacular border practices in the Mediterranean Sea. Nonetheless, maritime disasters continue to unfold. This article discusses three non-governmental actors, part of an emerging “humanitarian fleet” that seeks to turn the sea into a less deadly space: the Migrant Offshore Aid Station, Médecins Sans Frontières, and Sea-Watch. While the rescue of precarious lives and the alleviation of suffering are central concerns, they imagine their humanitarian practices, the subjects of their compassion, and EUrope's role in shaping borderzones in different ways, pointing to a wide humanitarian spectrum. Engaging with the different discursive frames created by the three “border humanitarians”, the article explores what possibilities exist for political dissent to emanate from within humanitarian reason.
The environmental movement in the global North is in a state of impasse. It appears that despite the renewed international focus on climate change, and the actions of innumerable social movements, a “solution” to the problem appears as one, without a viable solution. It is the contention of this paper that climate change has no clearly viable solution as it is a seemingly impossible problem. This paper investigates how the problem of climate change is constructed as a global object of political action and how it functions to render politics into a matter of calculative action, one that seeks—but fails—to take hold of a slippery carbon infrastructure. It concludes by suggesting one possible solution to this dilemma is to turn away from the global scalar logic of climate change and towards a situated focus on questions of infrastructure, or what Dimitris Papadopoulos calls “thick justice”.
California's state constitution prohibits the “wasteful” use of water; however, waste is subjective and context dependent. This paper considers political, biopolitical, and material dimensions of waste, focusing on the role of legal processes and institutions. The paper examines a case involving legal accusations of “waste and unreasonable use” of water by the Imperial Irrigation District in Imperial County, California. The determination that water was being “wasted” justified the transfer of water from agricultural to urban areas. However, defining these flows of water as a waste neglected water's complexity and relationality, and the enclosure of a “paracommons” threatens to bring about negative environmental and public health consequences. The paper shows that the project of discursively labeling certain material resource flows as waste and re-allocating these resources to correct this moral and economic failure relies upon legal processes, and carries political and biopolitical implications.
No abstract is available for this article.
Henri Lefebvre talked of the “right to the city” alongside a right to information. As the urban environment becomes increasingly layered by abstract digital representation, Lefebvre's broader theory warrants application to the digital age. Through considering what is entailed by the urbanization of information, this paper examines the problems and implications of any “informational right to the city”. In directing Tony Benn's five questions of power towards Google, arguably the world's most powerful mediator of information, this paper exposes processes that occur when geographic information is mediated by powerful digital monopolies. We argue that Google currently occupies a dominant share of any informational right to the city. In the spirit of Benn's final question—“How do we get rid of you?”—the paper seeks to apply post-political theory in exploring a path to the possibility of more just information geographies.Résumé
Henri Lefebvre parle d'un “droit à la ville” comme allant de pair avec le droit à l'information. Alors que de plus en plus de représentations numériques abstraites se superposent à l'environnement urbain, la théorie générale de Lefebvre mérite d'être appliquée à l'ère du numérique. En se penchant sur les enjeux de l'urbanisation de l'information, cet article analyse les difficultés et les implications d'un “droit informationnel à la ville”. Après avoir posé à Google, le vecteur d'information le plus puissant du monde, les cinq questions que Tony Benn avait adressées aux détenteurs de pouvoir, le texte expose les processus dérivant de l'intermédiation de l'information géographique par de puissants monopoles numériques. Il montre que Google occupe actuellement une position dominante dans tout droit informationnel à la ville. Dans l'esprit de la question finale de Benn—“Comment peut-on se débarrasser de vous?”—cet article vise à appliquer la théorie post-politique afin d'explorer les voies vers des géographies informationnelles plus équitables.
In settler colonial contexts the historical and ongoing dispossession and displacement of Indigenous peoples is foundational to understanding the production of urban space. What does it mean that cities in what is now known as Canada are Indigenous places and premised on the ongoing dispossession of Indigenous peoples? What roles do new urban reserves play in subverting or reinforcing the colonial-capitalist sociospatial order? This paper examines these questions in relation to new urban reserves in Canada. Most common in the Prairie provinces, new urban reserves are satellite land holdings of First Nation communities located outside of the city. While the settler state narrowly confines new urban reserves to neoliberal agendas, First Nations are successfully advancing reserve creation to generate economic self-sufficiency, exercise self-determination, and subvert settler state boundaries. I argue that new urban reserves are contradictory spaces, as products and vehicles of settler-colonial state power and Indigenous resistance and place-making.
This article aims to prompt reflection on the ways in which digital research methods can support or undermine participatory research. Building on our experiences of working on the Quipu Project (quipu-project.com), an interactive, multimedia documentary on unconsented sterilisation in Peru, it explores the ways in which digital technologies can enable participatory knowledge production across geographic, social and linguistic divides. It also considers the new forms of engagement between knowledge-producers and audiences that digital methods can encourage. Digital technologies can, we contend, help build new spaces for, and modes of engagement with, participatory research, even in contexts such as the Peruvian Andes where digital technologies are not well established or commonly used. Doing so, we argue, entails responding sensitively to the social, linguistic and digital inequalities that shape specific research contexts, and centring the human relationships that are easily sacrificed at the altar of technological innovation.Resumen
Este artículo tiene por propósito impulsar la reflexión sobre como los métodos de investigación digitales pueden apoyar o menoscabar la investigación participativa. Construyendo desde nuestra experiencia de trabajo en el Proyecto Quipu (proyectoquipu.com), el artículo explora como las tecnologías digitales pueden facilitar la producción participativa de conocimiento a través de las divisiones geográficas, sociales y lingüísticas. También considera las nuevas formas de compromiso que los métodos digitales pueden promover entre los productores de conocimiento y los públicos. Insistimos en que las tecnologías digitales pueden abrir nuevos espacios para, y nuevos modos de compromiso con, la investigación participativa, incluso en contextos como los andes peruanos donde las tecnologías digitales no están bien establecidas ni son muy usadas. Argumentamos que hacer esto implica responder con sensibilidad a las inequidades sociales, lingüísticas y digitales que moldean los contextos de investigación específicos. También supone enfatizar en las relaciones humanas que se sacrifican fácilmente en el altar de la innovación tecnológica.
Swarms of police drones, fleets of overhead delivery bots, and flocks of private security drones are set to multiply the complex interfaces between state, capital, and sense. This paper explores the military and economic enclosure of the atmosphere by drones. For centuries, capitalist enclosure has privatized and secured common spaces: territorializing new power relations into the soil. Enclosure now operates through an increasingly atmospheric spatiality. The birth of airpower enabled new vertical regimes of state power, capital accumulation, and violence. Now, drones are materializing both intimate and pervasive colonizations of local, national, and international airspace. Crucially, this discloses new morphologies and ontologies of urban (in)security, in which an atmospheric state polices deterritorialized aerial circulations. Such a reenchanted atmosphere collapses the geopolitical and geoeconomic in uncertain robotic orbits. This paper, which connects past and present, is driven by a deeper concern for the existential dimensions of dronified skyscapes, subjects, and violence.
This paper explores the negotiations of foundation program officers who aim to challenge structural inequality across regional geographies of poverty. Beyond the limits to confronting capitalist relationships of production as discussed in critical philanthropy literature, this paper shows how the professional “grantor–grantee” relationship reproduces institutional structures of power. Through the lens of Erving Goffman's “presentation of self” and data from archival and ethnographic research on immigrant and farmworker funding in California's Central Valley and recent interviews with program staff at large foundations in New York City, the paper suggests that Goffman's concepts of performance, idealization, negative idealization, and disruption expand upon a Gramscian theorization of hegemony by highlighting a micro-sociology of power. Building consensus among greatly unequal actors and managing idealized stories about poverty and philanthropy, the foundation program officer brokers political opportunity for grassroots organizations and yet more commonly generates consent.